Промышленный лизинг Промышленный лизинг  Методички 

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The following year, the Drug Enforcement Administration paid bounty hunters to abduct Dr. Humberto Alvarez Machain from his medical office in Guadalajara, Mexico, fly him to El Paso and turn him over to the DEA.

A Cypriot businessman, Hossein Alikhani, accused of violating US sanctions against Libya, was lured on board a plane in the Bahamas in 1992 in a US Customs sting and abducted to Miami.

Increasing numbers of Colombians, charged with drug offenses, are being shipped to the US since Washington succeeded in forcing the government to remove a prohibition against extradition in December 1997.1

In 1992, the US Supreme Court, ruling in the Alvarez Machain case, declared that although it may be shocking in its violation of basic principles of international law, kidnapping foreign citizens in their own country is a legally acceptable way to get them to face charges in a US court for violating American law. Chief Justice William H. Rehnquist was willing to record for history his observation that the extradition treaty between the United States and Mexico could be ignored because the treaty didnt explicitly say no kidnapping allowed .2

If memory serves, the United States fought a war in 1812 with Great Britain over this practice.

If people can be taken with impunity, how much easier with papers and other material goods.

Europe

In the dying days of World War II, the fascist leaders of Hungary escaped to the West with a trainload of loot belonging to the Hungarian Jewish bourgeoisie-from furs and stamp collections to artwork and oriental rugs, and at least one crate of wedding rings confiscated from Holocaust victims. The train got as far as Austria, where American Army forces stopped them. US officers, and likely the lower ranks as well, helped themselves to all manner of goodies. After the war, despite repeated pleas from the Hungarian Jewish community, very few of the valuables were returned to their original owners. In 1949, Washington transferred 1,181 paintings of the Hungarian booty to Austria in violation of international treaties stipulating that cultural property looted during the Second World War should be returned to the country of origin . The Truman administration wished to prevent such treasures from falling into the hands of Communist regimes in Eastern Europe; better in the hands of the Austrians, the willing accomplices

of Adolf Hitler.3

Guatemala



In the wake of the CIA-engineered coup of 1954, the United States confiscated a huge amount of documents from the Guatemalan government, primarily in the hope of uncovering the hand of the International Communist Conspiracy behind the government of Jacobo Arbenz. This, after all, has been Washingtons official rationale to this day for overthrowing Arbenz. If this is what was indeed discovered in the documents, it has not been made public.

Grenada

In the midst of its completely illegal and destructive invasion of the island in October 1983, the United States found time to rifle through government files and take a large quantity of documents back home. Washington officials then proceeded to give selected documents to the press to publish-such as those dealing with meetings of Grenadian government leaders and military cooperation agreements with foreign countries-hoping that this would lend credence to the official US government position that Cuba and Russia were planning to take over the island and use it as a springboard for destabilizing the entire Caribbean. The documents, however, evidenced no such thing.3 Indeed, CIA Director William Casey was later to admit that the documents were not a real find . 4

Panama

During their invasion of December 1989, the United States confisA cated thousands of boxes of government documents, which they refused to return. 5 The occupying American forces roamed the land free from the restraints of any higher power. Along the way they helped themselves to all manner of other documents, files and archives from the offices of the media, political parties (particularly those of the left), labor unions, etc.6

The US also seized more than 52,000 weapons, as well as armored personnel carriers and rocket launchers. Panama later asked for compensation for the material.7

There has been no return of anything nor any compensation paid. 8

Germany

Sometime shortly after the collapse of the East German government in 1990, the CIA managed to spirit away the top-secret archives of the countrys intelligence agency, the Stasi. For the next nine years, the United States refused to return the material-with the exception of some bits and pieces now and then-despite the repeated requests of the German government. President Clinton for some time refused to even discuss the matter with German chancellor Gerhard Schroeder. Finally, in October 1999, the CIA announced that they would turn over what appears to be a substantial portion of the files, but the Agency would still retain a large number of selected files. The Stasi files contain information on numerous individuals whose identity the CIA would prefer not be



exposed, presumably including their own agents who were spying on West Germany, whom the Stasi knew about; many other files might be valuable to the Agency because the individuals would be highly vulnerable to blackmail, for whatever purpose they could be used by the CIA. 9

Iraq

In the wake of the Persian Gulf War in 1991, Kurdish groups captured some 18 tons of Iraqi government documents, which the United States later took possession of. The papers now reside at the University of Colorado at Boulder and are open to the public. 10 Iraq has not asked for the return of the documents, perhaps realizing the utter futility and groveling nature of such a request.

Haiti

While returning Jean-Bertrand Aristide to power in 1994, the US military helped themselves to an estimated 160,000 documents, audio and videotapes (some of torture sessions), and trophy photos of mutilated victims, belonging to the Haitian military and paramilitary organizations. The United States has refused to hand back its booty unless it can select which ones to return, censoring any it wishes, and unless Haiti agrees to certain detailed restrictions on use of the material. The decades4ong CIA involvement with sundry Haitian dictatorships, armed forces, death squads, torturers, drug traffickers and miscellaneous corruption gives Washington more than enough reason to keep the material from wide dissemination. However, Haitian President Rene Preval has stated: Our position is we want all the documents back, unaltered, period.

The Haitian government has asked for the documents several times since 1995, in public letters, private correspondence, press conferences and international arenas. Among the supporters of its request have been the UN/OAS human rights mission to Haiti, scores of present and former members of the US Congress, religious and solidarity groups in the United States and abroad, three Nobel Peace Prize winners, Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch. The UN Human Rights Commission has demanded the return of the documents so that the truth of where the responsibility lies in each case of human rights violations could be determined. Even the British Foreign Office raised the issue with the US State Department. Advocates for the return of the documents say that the absence of evidence concerning some of those who took part in the 1991 coup that overthrew the democraticallyAelected Aristide contributes to the insecurity and injustice plaguing Haiti today.

For several years, Haiti and its supporters in the United Nations Commission on Human Rights and in the General Assembly have tried to bring to a vote a resolution calling for the United States to return the documents. But the US delegation has been able to maneuver the proceedings to block such a vote.11



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